By Maria V Mavroudi
This quantity discusses the so-called Oneirocriticon of Achmet, crucial Byzantine paintings on dream interpretation which used to be written in Greek within the tenth century and has tremendously stimulated next dreambooks in Byzantine Greek, Medieval Latin, and sleek eu languages. via evaluating the Oneirocriticon with the 2nd-century A.D. dreambook of Artemidoros (translated into Arabic within the ninth century) and 5 medieval Arabic dreambooks, this research demonstrates that the Oneirocriticon is a Christian Greek adaption of Islamic Arabic fabric and that the similarities among it and Artemidoros are end result of the impact of Artemidoros at the Arabic assets of the Byzantine paintings. The Oneirocriticon's textual culture, its language, the identities of its writer and client, and its place between different Byzantine translations from Arabic into Greek also are investigated.
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Extra resources for A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation: The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources
Because if he lived, war with Rome was inevitable; and this son of his, with the devil in his heart and the torch in his hand to kindle its flames, I hate and abhor. I do indeed demand his surrender, to atone for the treaty he broke; nay more, if there were no question of giving him up, I should demand his removal to the remotest corner of the world, his banishment to some spot from which no word of him – not even the sound of his name – could ever reach us, nor he himself ever again disturb our peace.
Her task was not easy, as Aubrey de Sélincourt often reduced three Roman names to one, to keep the narrative moving; these are all now indexed in full under the names used in the translation. I should like to extend my thanks to Mrs Maund for her contribution. It is her speed and accuracy, plus her determination not to be defeated by the multiplicity of Hannos, Hasdrubals and Magos in the Carthaginian forces, that have made this index useful and informative for students of Livy. R. 1972 BOOK XXI 1.
Hannibal had been disappointed in the Cisalpine Gauls, and Mago had only lukewarm Gallic support in 205 (p. 572). And against the list of defections after Cannae must be set the fact that Hannibal failed to win over the Latins; Latin prisoners were liberated without ransom after Hannibal’s victory at Lake Trasimene (p. 101) and he tried in vain to induce the citizens of Nuceria to join his army (p. 184). Yet after nine years’ fighting only twelve of the thirty Latin colonies refused further help to Rome, and their punishment was simply to be ignored.